The so-called Islamic State (IS) recently lost its last remnant of territory in Syria, but observers were quick to remind the world that the war against the organisation is far from over. What then does this loss of territorial control actually mean for IS?
Dr Hasan's talk focuses on the evolution of the political role of Shia religious authority in Iraq and the overall transformation in the relations between the state and religious actors. It highlights the impact of state weakness, intra-Shia rivalries and recent political changes
Dr Harout Akdedian presented his talk “The Post-Secular Construct in Syria: From Neo-Liberalism to Systemic Collapse - The role of religion in state-society relations and the reconfiguration of the public domain” during the CEU Center for Religous Studies PhD seminar series
Dr Harith Hasan on religious leaders in the Middle East and how the differences between the Sunni and the Shia divide this turbulent region. The chapter is part of the Atlantic Council’s book “Islam and Human Rights: Key Issues for Our Times”
Prof Al-Bagdadi im Streitgespräch mit Dr Gudrun Harrer: Rechtlose unterdrückte Wesen oder selbstbewusste streitbare Kopftuchträgerinnen: Am Thema Frauen wird die ganze Kontroverse zwischen „Islam und dem Westen“ besonders gern abgearbeitet. In Österreich erklärt der Chef der Glaubensgemeinschaft das Kopftuch zum islamischen Gebot, im Iran demonstrieren sogar vereinzelt Tschadorträgerinnen gegen den Bedeckungszwang
More than any player, including Russia with its boots on the ground, the European Union today holds the key to reintegrating Syria into the international fold or denying the Assad regime a victory and maintaining its isolation. At this very moment the European Union is arguably the most important player in determining the future direction for Syria. It does not need to ask for a place at the table, rather it is in a position to shape the outcome of the conflict
Dr Harout Akdedian presented his working paper ‘On Violence and Radical Theology in the Syrian War: The Instrumentality of Exclusionary Practices and Spectacular Violence’ which analyzes the instrumentality of spectacular violence and exclusionary practices as exhibited by radicalized groups in Syria
As unrest over the Iraqi government’s failure to provide essential services grips southern Iraq, the Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East is offering insight and analysis beyond the headlines. In a new issue brief, Beyond Security: Stabilization, Governance, and Socioeconomic Challenges in Iraq, Dr. Harith Hasan explores the ways in which economic and social issues play into Iraq’s instability and the genesis of violent conflict.
Round Table “Religion, State and Disintegration in the Middle East”
In 2010, a coalition called al-Iraqiyya, led by a secular Shi’a, Ayad Allawi, and composed of mostly Sunni parties, won a plurality in the Iraqi election. The coalition, however, did not secure the majority necessary to form the government. Instead, a grand Shi’a coalition formed after the election, the National Alliance, gained the majority. Former prime minister Nouri al-Maliki secured his second term in office as the head of “national unity” government, a euphemism for a government distributing its ministerial positions mainly based on ethnic and sectarian affiliation. When negotiations began about al-Iraqiyya’s positions in the government, a controversy ensued regarding whether it should be considered a Sunni coalition and given the “Sunni share” of positions, or continue to be identified, as its leader wanted, as a cross-sectarian coalition, an identification that was difficult to quantify in the ethno-sectarian formula of power sharing. In the end, the Sunni parties in the coalition took off the “cross-sectarian” hat and resigned themselves to recognizing their “Sunnism” in order to receive their share of power.
In June 2014, the Sunni “jihadi” group that called itself the Islamic State (IS) took over Iraq’s second largest city, Mosul, in a shockingly easy operation. As the Iraqi army collapsed and its troops deserted, IS rapidly marched southward threatening to invade Baghdad and the Shiʿi shrine cities
Since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003, the name of Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the Grand Shiʿi cleric, has come to prominence. Sistani emerged as a key player in the processes that constituted and sustained the post-2003 Iraqi political order, as manifested in key events such as the writing of constitution or the mobilization against the Islamic State
The SFM Research Project presented its current research findings to the audience of distinguished experts on the Middle East from an academic, political and diplomatic background and engaged in a stimulating debate on which margins are currently striking in the Middle East
Prof Aziz Al-Azmeh delivered a Keynote Speech at Rice University and University of Houston's Conference on Anti-Sectarianism on December 1, 2018
This article written in Arabic and published by Alarabi al-Jadid, argued that the war against ISIS and the events that followed the Kurdish independence referendum were parts of a broader dynamic in which a new form of Shi’a-dominated nationalism is emerging
In the wake of the September 25 referendum in Kurdistan, the Iraqi government announced on October 15 that it began a military deployment to reestablish authority in Kirkuk in coordination with the Peshmerga.
Monday’s referendum in Kurdistan resulted in a situation whereby all parties lack good options. To be sure, Masoud Barzani, the leader of Kurdistan Region Government (KRG), achieved some immediate political gains. He managed to mobilize his base by calling for and conducting the referendum despite international objections.
تتنــاول هذه الدراســة تجربة اعتمــاد نظام الديمقراطية التوافقية فــي العراق بعد عام 2003 ، وهــي تنطلــق مــن محاولــة فهــم النظــام التوافقــي واألســس النظريــة التــي قــام عليهــا، ّ والخصائــص التــي تمي ّ ــزه من األنظمــة الديمقراطيــة األخرى، ومن ثــم مقارنة ذلــك بالنظام ّ الذي تم اعتماده في العراق والمدى الذي تنطبق عليه صفة التوافقية.